Last night, I sank deeply into the cups and found myself in an interesting conversation with some colleagues about the rise of fascism in Germany. Inevitably, the Treaty of Versailles came up along with a well oiled explanation that goes something like this:
“There is a near-total consensus among historians that the Versailles Treaty helped to create the trough of national humiliation and grievance in which the fungus of Nazism could grow”.
The above is a direct quote from Johan Hari’s (rather silly) book review of Nick Cohen’s ‘What’s Left’ that I read some years ago. Discounting the laziness of not including said historians, although apparently Pat Buchanan toes this line, I’ve never found this argument particularly convincing.
I accept that after the Weimar Republic signed the treaty, Germans were understandably upset and felt humiliated. That it was a national humiliation needs to be demonstrated and consistently established as a point of rectification that led to the rise of the Nazi party. What was more likely is that certain political movements promoted the idea that Germany’s leaders had betrayed Germany by accepting the treaty as it was. Keep in mind that Germany had just established itself as a republican democracy, overthrowing the imperial empire, which naturally created enemies of the green-eared Weimar government. What I question was how universal this humiliation was, whether it was accepted by the country, and that it was a central tenet in German society from 1919 to 1933.
Of more immediate concern was the state of the country’s economy after the Great War, especially when hyperinflation hit in 1923. While politicians might have spoken about a national humiliation, ordinary Germans were being pressed with grave concerns like feeding themselves, much less lamenting their situation. As I mentioned last night, France suffered a similarly devastating military defeat at the hands of the Prussians in 1870, losing territory and having to pay unfair reparations. There were narratives amongst political leaders saying that France had been humiliated, but the French instead decided to take over Paris in the famous Paris Commune of 1871, instead of lamenting their humiliating defeat. What’s more, nobody blamed France for starting WWI.
In any case, once the United States stepped in and offered the Dawes Plan to Germany in 1924, leading them on the path to economic recovery, any feelings of humiliation must have subsided considerably. The latter part of the 1920s in Germany were known as Goldene Zwanziger, the Golden Era, not only because of its vigorous return as an economic power, but the flourishing German culture that emerged from such success. During this period, cinema, cabaret, jazz, and the establishment of Bauhaus architecture returned Germany back to being a significant cultural presence in Europe. Hardly the fungus Nazism grew from. In the 1928 German federal election, the Nazi party fielded less than 3% of the vote, capturing only 12 of the 491 seats in the Reichstag. They were little more than an extreme right-wing fringe party that wielded little influence and zero clout.
However, in 1929, the New York Stock Market crashed. The United States could no longer provide loans to Germany, devastating their economy a second time, and far worse than before. Mass unemployment led to a loss in the faith of democratic politics (a relatively new idea in German society, barely 10 years old) In the 1930 election, the Nazi party went from 12 to 107 seats, based on a platform that fed off of the fears and prejudices of a desperate and hungry people.
The quote I cited at the top of this post was actually part of the Nazi myth that Hitler used to rile Germany up. In 1933, Hitler exploited the history of the treaty and the democratic government that signed it in order to discredit democracy. As part of his fiery rhetoric, he blamed the depression on the Jews and the Bolsheviks, and used propaganda to stir up hatred for Versailles, despite the fact that Germany had enjoyed a healthy and prosperous period of cultural and economic growth prior to the Depression.
Although the Treaty of Versailles posed problems for German democracy, it did not bring forth Nazism as a necessary response. This realization has very high stakes. Foreign policy discourse uses the term “the Versailles Effect” to describe a situation whereby sanctions, punishments and punitive measures are seen as laying the seeds of future authoritarian regimes imbued with a revenge psychology. Therefore when states commit acts of aggression or human rights violations, the international community is expected to restrain themselves, and slap some wrists. However, the Versailles Effect is ahistorical in itself, let alone applicable to other historical conflicts, and is a detriment to actual humanitarian intervention. I have yet to be convinced that there is a cause and effect relationship. If it wasn’t the Treaty of Versailles, Hitler would have used another example in his propaganda machinery to energize the public.


I presume that you intend in some manner to put forward an alternate theory to the “near-total consensus” view about the relationship of Versailles to the growth of the “fungus of Nazism”. I agree with your questions, if not all your statements. I’m just curious though. How you do come to you last sentence that must rest on the documented rationale that Hitler would have got to power even if the vengeance-based provisions of the Versailles Treaty had not existed? According to that same near-total consensus, Versailles led to the Treaty of Rapallo, and was a critically important factor to the the 32% German unemployment in 1931 (compared to less than 20% elsewhere in Europe). Do you dispute all of that? Do you hold that even with the unemployment rate much lower at the norm of Britain and France, Hitler would still have made it into the chancellor’s chair?
With the Wehrmacht held at 100,000, there was a major “power vacuum” normally filled by the presence of a stabilizing military that could be counted on to pay some attention to consitutions. Had Versailles not so severely restricted the German military, would there not have been the additional power centre to either keep Hitler out entirely, or severely modify his course of action? What is it about this view of the “near-total consensus” that you disagree with and why?
Hey Gary,
Thanks for your comments and questions.
Firstly, I’d like to ask you the names and works of these historians that constitute the near-total consensus that Versailles made Hitler’s rise inevitable.
Secondly, as I stated before, the financial collapse in the U.S. is what contributed to things like German unemployment by 1931, that Hitler took advantage of. Hitler did not attain power because reparations payments had crushed the German economy, but the treaty’s existence gave good material for Hitler to use against the Wiemar republic and sway the German people to his cause.
Searching for this for some time now – i guess luck is far more advanced than look for engines